This snarky image of mine was recently featured on UNSUCK DC METRO‘s Facebook page. (For more of my commentary on the DC transit system, check out my Design page.)
Is “arsenal” as funny in the UK as “assassin” is in the US?
“Unfortunately, transit systems are designed to benefit existing power groups in their geographic distribution.”
That was the key sentence in a very polite, supportive, and well-written email I received about the political challenges facing my One America plan for US commuter rail. I’m not sure if the reader was referring to the geographic distribution of the power groups or of the transit systems, but his logic makes this distinction pointless. He was saying that people with the power to create or reform transit systems will do so to benefit themselves, where they live.
Fair enough.
It has recently occurred to me that, while tyranny and oppression can be understood through literature, they cannot be effectively opposed through literature. Stories like Orwell’s classics Nineteen Eighty-Four and Animal Farm, or Kurt Vonnegut’s most excellent “Harrison Bergeron,” outline rather brilliantly the dangers of authoritarian politics, yet people who are familiar with these literary warnings don’t heed them.
This is largely due to partisanship. Folks on the Right see clearly the Orwellian implications of explicitly discriminatory laws that are defended in the name of “equality” while folks on the Left are abundantly aware of the Orwellian nature of giving up civil liberties in the name of “freedom.”
But, dear reader, if you fall into one of those two camps, I bet you bristled at half of the above paragraph. It’s not Us, it’s Them! Of course it is. It’s always Them.
It is illustrative to remember that, even as they were herding Jews into death camps, Aryanists were convinced that it was the Jews who were conspiring to exterminate Germans. Their aggression (whether real or imagined) is a “conspiracy” while Ours is a “solution.” The Dolchstoβ talking point also allowed the Nazis to ignore the fact that over half a million Jews died fighting for Germany during World War I, at rates comparable to non-Jews, a fact integral to my treatment of Golem.
But, who needs facts that inconveniently exculpate the Other when We have an enabling threat myth? The Other is always comfortingly Other, while facts can be stubbornly against Us, a reality that equally stubborn Patriots had to be reminded of during the embarrassing trial that ensued after the so-called Boston Massacre.*
Understanding how this phenomenon works, the partisan capacity to short-circuit cognitive dissonance, we need look no further than Orwell himself, who described the process of “doublethink” in Nineteen Eighty-Four:
To know and not to know, to be conscious of complete truthfulness while telling carefully constructed lies, to hold simultaneously two opinions which cancelled out, knowing them to be contradictory and believing in both of them, to use logic against logic, to repudiate morality while laying claim to it … to forget, whatever it was necessary to forget, then to draw it back into memory again at the moment when it was needed, and then promptly to forget it again, and above all, to apply the same process to the process itself—that was the ultimate subtlety; consciously to induce unconsciousness, and then, once again, to become unconscious of the act of hypnosis you had just performed. Even to understand the word ‘doublethink’ involved the use of doublethink … [T]o deny the existence of objective reality and all the while to take account of the reality which one denies—all this is indispensably necessary.
Those who believe that burning books, banning books, or attacking them as “offensive” (thus effectively burning them from serious consideration) is necessary for establishing tyrannous politics are mistaken. People can read about Vonnegut’s Handicapper General and still promote an equivalent legal regime using ideological handicaps rather than physical ones. People can know full well the absurdity of “All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others” yet still act on it, either in regard to civil rights politics or free market economics.
The bonfires are utterly unnecessary. The human mind can simply burn away the logic that ties those ideas to their external expression.
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* I am reminded of the exceptional line given to John Adams in HBO’s remarkable series (a line I’m not sure he ever actually uttered in real life) in response to Sam Adams’s demand to declare which side he was on after John took the Boston Massacre case in defense of the British: “I am for the law, cousin. Is there another side?”
Or, as Herman Melville put it: “One who desires to be impartially just in the expression of his views, moves as among sword-points presented on every side.”
There’s a new push toward completing the promise of the American revolution, No Taxation Without Representation. Residents of the District of Columbia pay federal taxes, yet have no vote in either house of Congress. There are two ways to remedy this long-standing oversight: grant the District immunity from federal taxes, or grant it statehood.
This most recent effort, which surprisingly has the support of nearly a fifth of the Senate, suffers from one silly flaw. It seeks to rename DC “New Columbia.” To distinguish it, you know, from Columbia.
There’s really no need to change the name at all. As I’ve said before, to be a state doesn’t require you call yourself a state. Virginia, Kentucky, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania do just fine with the official title of “Commonwealth” while other states go with the conventional “State of Such-and-Such” moniker. “The District of Columbia” would do just as well as “The Commonwealth of Virginia” as the official name of a state. The only real changes needed would be in emphasis: use Columbia as a stand-alone default name, demote Washington to a city government under the larger state government, refer to residents as Columbians (rather than Washingtonians), and be a little more rigorous in pronouncing the round Spanish “o” in Colombia.
Most of us pronounce the “o” in Columbia like another short “u” anyway.
But, the last thing we need is something cutesy to make the whole thing look like an easily dismissed stunt. No new name, no “New Columbia.” Just start acting like a state and demand to be treated like one.
Good writing is not about a narrative. It’s about multiple narratives in relationship with each other, not only the narratives in the story itself but also the narratives in the readership that the story is responding to, confronting, confirming, or tweaking.
For example, To Kill a Mockingbird contains narratives about small town politics, Southern culture, family dynamics, racial bias, gender bias, the justice system, and prejudice against the mentally challenged. Today, it’s often reduced to the few of those narratives that most confirm and comfort the political narratives we bring to the story as readers, but the other narratives are there nonetheless.
I was reminded of this complexity recently when I noticed that my novelette, The Woman Who Wouldn’t Die, had gotten another very positive (5 star!) review, which I hadn’t seen until now. At first, I was encouraged, taking away the most comforting narrative that it told. But then I realized that the fact that I hadn’t noticed it even though it was over a year old meant I’m not one of those writers who obsessively check their Amazon stats.
And that’s not as comforting a narrative.
The absence of that desperate need to be accepted and loved may not bode well for my chances for success as a writer in today’s literary culture. Self-promotion is the lifeblood of 21st century writers, and it’s a practice that makes me uncomfortable and the excess of which I find off-putting in others. I try, but I am deeply aware that I am “not that kind of writer” and likely never will be.
Option 1 – If you have multiple personalities, you’re always photo-bombing your own selfies.
Option 2 – If you have multiple personalities, you take selvesies.